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BetIslands and Jon approached us about a potential merger but as you can see he had no money to run his business let alone buy ours. As the owner and founder of BetIslands we do NOT have any relations or ties with any sportsbooks , SBR has confirmed this by meeting with ownership and visiting our facilities.
I assure you, BetIslands and Jon have nothing to do with those other books. However, SBR posters did their own research and found that, in fact, all parties were connected. You can see that they shared servers. More than that, though, you could call either one of the books BetIslands, 7RedSports, EzStreetSports and find yourself talking with a rep from one of the other bookmakers.
Ironically, BetIslands came out shortly before their closing and said that they bought out 7RedSports. They said they had nothing to do with them when they were associated with them. At the very least they shared the same office. How many players would sign up to BetIslands if they had known that? Far less than the number of players that did.
SBR helped, too. They helped distance the two books, and then proceeded to talk BetIslands up. They claimed to go out to their office and ensure they had solid financial backing. There is only a small few making most of these posts. Most of the victims understand that they are adults who make their own decisions. They understand that a display ad does not make SBRforum their personal insurance company. Is there an article on horse race betting? Or is it covered by sports betting? Andjam , 9 February UTC.
I made a rather poor edit to bring this text into alignment with the text on vigorish It's more a matter of semantics than the vigorish article implies. From the bookie's perspective, he doesn't make any money at all except when there are losers, so it seems to him that his vig is coming from his losers.
If the bets are placed at fair odds, a mathematician would measure relative to expectation which construes vig as paid by the winner. If the bookie is shading the odds, it might be more natural to view the vig as deducted up front to place money at risk which construes vig as paid by the loser. Here's another example to express that sentiment. Do you now care whether you picked the cheap bookie or the expensive bookie?
It makes no difference to the loser what rate of vig was charged. The winner, however, will soon discover the difference. Here's the opposite way to set that up. The bettor is handed one complementary blue token that represents one vig at a rate of vig unknown to him. However, if he loses, he has to go buy another vig token to place his next bet and then he discovers the rate of vig demanded which accords to the loser pays perspective.
An interesting observation here is that this conceptual vig token is not fungible. It's also pertinent who is floating the equity of these tokens. I finally get it. The natural perspective is determined by the custom adopted toward price elasticity. Five people take heads. Five people take tails. The bookies profit is the vig paid by the losers on whichever day they purchased. If the bookie is really screwed up and opens Mon.
He's got to do the math directly in this instance. At this point he has an exposure on heads what he has to pay out in this case , and exposure on tails, and a revenue take total amount paid in. Ideally he would like his exposure on both sides to be less than his take risk free position. I hate to be picky but the seeming misuse of the word desultory just jumped out at me. This was a word I recently added to my vocabulary for standardized testing, but when I saw it in the following sentence "Historically, sports betting has been associated with a number of unsavory characters, which has a lot to do with its desultory legal treatment throughout the world.
This in itself was quite vexing. But my point is, desultory means aimless, how does this make sense in this sentence? Since unsavory characters are associated with sports betting, why does this imply that the legal treatment is desultory?
The bottom line is it's just confusing. I would do something about it myself if it weren't so late at night. In a simple soccer British football match qualifying to the next round in the knock-out stage betting, e. France vs. Italy, the price for France to win is 1. The explanation of the rigirism in the text just simply doesn't explain this!! I don't bet so don't trust myself to do the relevant editing, but the below might be useful to other editors:. Here in the UK sports betting is either "fixed-odds" what's called "straight-up" in the text, a term I've never seen used in Britain or spread betting:.
I've never, ever seen decimal odds listed on a High Street bookie's blackboard. It's perfectly possible, and actually very common, to run spread bets on such sports. For example, with a football soccer match a spread might be run on the minute in which the first goal was scored, on the number of yellow cards shown, etc.
Do you think something should be mentioned about it? I feel it should warrent some mention that it exists, and also the explination of an arbitrage —Preceding unsigned comment added by As one unfamiliar with the jargon of sports betting, my hope is to learn by reading this article, so I feel clarification is needed on these points.
Therefore, if you do think a list of this sort would be useful, can someone please help me out by suggesting where it ought to go? Thanks, g. If it's illegal, how come so many people in Canada and the USA are doing it online? This reference to an "above-described" game does not follow any such description. Either an example of a Brewers-Cubs game needs to be inserted or the "above-mentioned" reference needs to be removed. I realize a lot of fine points are covered here, but I'm afraid this article is quite useless for describing anything but the more abstruse forms of sports betting.
And it's very murkily written, reeking of jargon and unexplained terminology. It's reminiscent of the awful signage in Massachusetts, where the locals will tell you that if you don't know where you're going, you have no business being there.
Can we get a few clear, concise paragraphs on the basic premises, please? However, there are professional sports bettors that make a good income betting sports, many of which utilize sports information services. Random reader just stopping by to express amusement that the contention in the first sentence here is something that can be taken on faith but the second or at least the suggestion that professional sports bettors do, in fact, exist cannot.
I believe that firstly you need a more comprehensive definition of sports betting to start with. That definition is the most basic of definitions available. Secondly there are a great number of things that can be added to this article because there are so many things that fall under the realm of sports betting that have not been spoken about for example pros and cons of betting.
This may seem simplistic but it would make the search more concise. Pictures will also help to enhance what has been said.
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In the past we covered news on a rigged craps game , and then later a rigged video poker game. Each were found to be the fault of separate software providers, each based in Panama and completely independent of one another. Now there are reports by 4Flush that major corporations might have flawed casino games. There were dozens of sportsbooks using the software of each provider. If you play casinos online, do so at your own risk.
From here adjustments are made based on user experience, betting odds, customer service etc. For example Sport. However, our rating guide also needs to distinguish some between bookies that will accept any bet and never give punters personal limit collars, and those who service mostly recreational players. They have the lowest margins, highest limits and fastest payouts neither accepts US players.
They rarely limit punters, but sometimes do so for live betting. Ultimately, you can win six figures here and not worry about being cutoff. A couple of examples where it makes sense www. Meanwhile outside the United States, players can often find great value at Asian bookies.
Take for instance our 1 choice www. Rather than the 1. This means more money for each winning bet. All of them offer plenty of value and all come highly recommended by Sports Betting Sites. Understand our sportsbook rankings are far from an end all. Those in the sports betting and gambling affiliate industry know me as Prop or PropPlayer.
Many years ago I was earning a couple grand per month in affiliate pay from sportsbook. I am a long time player advocate, and ALWAYS with absolutely no exception have put players best interests well of ahead of my own, and well ahead of my advertisers.
With all this said — I am an affiliate and do get paid by many of the sportsbooks listed here. The ratings have little to do with that. These ratings are my entirely sincere opinion, but for full disclosure purposes I decided to tell you this make sure that fact is known.
This simple answer to this is my ratings are not influenced by advertising cash. I actually purchased the SBS domain with the internet to sell it for a profit. However a year later faced with a large offer on Sedo. Many efforts at reform have relied upon the basic assumption that spelling should reflect speech, although that often meant the speech of particularly prestigious societal groups.
The very valid argument in favour of phonemic-based reform is that a simpler system would make literacy acquisition much easier for growing populations in need of a skill that was a pre-requisite for advancement in society. Nevertheless, the phonemic approach to reform has led to arguments that are more repetitive than insightful, notes Scragg , and there is little need here to enumerate the various failed efforts at reform.
For more, see Scragg Ch. What is relevant to the present study is that much of what we now know about English spelling was precipitated by the reformer's need to understand the principles that underlie the writing system Scragg , especially the nonphonetic information that can make a writing system more practical than a purely sound-based system. Gil's arguments are given modern expression by Bradley , a lexicographer and editor of the OED, who recognises that the writing system often represents meaning at the expense of sound.
Between Bradley's essay and Venezky's groundbreaking study , only a small amount of research pursued this line of thinking, and Scragg's recommendation was that researchers ought to find 'more information about the relative value of existing orthographies, be they traditional, phonetic, or compromise'. Since the s, a sizeable body of research on writing systems has accumulated and the results of this research have led to more conservative approaches to the problem of reform in English.
Ironically, some of the most important research on English spelling was indirectly prompted by the reform movement, and this is best seen in the work that has emerged from Manchester University, which has given us the work of Haas,Scragg,Carney. These often occur in predictable environments e. Coulmas observes that the reasons for the success of this campaign were more social than linguistic, and came about because America attained its independence from Britain much earlier than other English-speaking countries.
The overall quantity of orthographic divergence between British and American spelling is negligible in the greater scheme of things, but there are enough differences for readers to identify which system is in use from reading a few pages of text. Hence, Coulmas argues, the reform was more about representing identity than representing the language in a significantly better way.
This viewpoint is somewhat corroborated by Cummings' study, which shows that the differences between the two systems are far from cut and dry. Examining the spellings recommended by two British and two American dictionaries, Cummings shows how much variation there is, not only between Britain and America, but within the two British dictionaries The Oxford English Dictionary and the Concise Oxford Dictionary and the two American dictionaries Webster's Third International Unabridged and the American Heritage Dictionary.
He concludes that the two systems are mutually evolving, with one continually influencing the other. The current reform movement is hardly in a healthy position see Yule and Ishi and the existence of spell checkers means that incorrect spellings can mostly be solved automatically Mitton It is also possible that the lack of push for reform may also stem from the fact that we are still academically in a phase of investigation of the kind recommended by Scragg and perhaps reform will once again be on the agenda when we understand more about the English writing system and its users' needs.
Scragg writes that the 'principal bugbear' of the reform movement has always been the 'multiplicity of approaches'. Perhaps with greater theoretical consensus, partial reform may be possible in the future. An important pioneer was Richard Venezky who began work in the early s, eventually producing The Structure of English Orthography Venezky , a near-reprint of his doctoral thesis Venezky , and it remains a classic text in the field. His description of the English writing system built on two strands of thought: one was established American structuralist theories of language e.
Bloomfield andHockett , and the other was the increasing awareness Bradley , Vachek that English spellings are 'partly phonemic and partly morphemic' Hockett Their unit of investigation was not the morpheme, but the syllable, using a definition that has been heavily criticised see Carney for an in-depth discussion of their work, and its limitations. Since Venezky's time, all worthwhile research has taken the morpheme into account, although the syllable under very different definitions has only recently begun to receive attention as a unit of organisation in English spelling e.
Evertz ; this will be discussed throughout Chapter 5. Venezky's aim was 'to construct a theoretical framework for deriving sound from spelling and to search for the most general patterns in the orthography and the most plausible linkages for fitting these relationships into the total language structure' Venezky By spelling, he means the accepted American spellings for the words in his corpus, and by orthography he means what is nowadays called the writing system, meaning the relations between spellings and language.
Significantly, Venezky's framework only works in one direction, from spelling to sound. He does not concern himself with how people transform sound into spelling or, at a deeper level, how they map linguistic knowledge into writing. In other words, he wanted to know how we read, not how we write. Nevertheless, Venezky does not follow the corpus slavishly, stating:Many low-frequency words from that list, especially proper nouns, were omitted by the present writer, and a number of words not included in the original Thorndike list were included.
Venezky 13n The words added were useful because they 'illustrate interesting or unusual patterns' Venezky Clearly, Venezky recognises the importance of including some strange or aberrant spellings in a theory of English spelling and that approach is expanded upon in this thesis especially in Chapters 7 and 8.
The functioning periphery tells us a lot about the essence of the core spellings. Venezky is not explicit about what his additions are and he only mentions briefly his omissions. These include 'contractions, hyphenated words, proper names and variant pronunciations of the same spellings' loc. One thing to note here is that Venezky does not explicitly partition his corpus into different kinds of spellings, yet one of the key distinctions in his conclusion is that compound and derived words i.
Venezky has thus begun the process of subdividing the writing system according to patterns of spelling formation, and this is a line of enquiry that will be pursued in this study. Furthermore, Venezky's later, more populist book begins with a chapter on creative spelling, Venezky 42 , although such spellings are categorised according to the ways in which they deviate from the standard spellings, rather than according to the patterns inherent in the creative spellings themselves.
While he makes no great theoretical development in this book, the juxtaposition of standard and creative spelling suggests potential for the two kinds of spellings to be studied within a single framework. Unlike all others before him, Carney attempts to study spelling in both directions: from both spelling to sound and from sound to spelling. He does not seek to explain the historical reasons why English spellings can be so bamboozling, instead he explores the present-day system synchronically, accepting it as it is, and looking to assess what information readers and writers can use to help with reading and spelling.
We shall see that he still manages to introduce a useful way of accounting for the etymological information stored in so many English spellings. Like Venezky, Carney wrote computer programs to analyse correspondences and these provide the data for his two core chapters: one on how spellings are encoded and the other on how printed words are decoded. The encoding chapter provides numerical data on how each RP phoneme is spelt and the decoding chapter provides information on the converse mappings.
Carney's concern is with the correspondence path, which is the path used in reading new words, unfamiliar words, or pseudo-words, as a reader can decode the pronunciation from the spelling. This is primarily what Carney means when he talks about the 'reader'. He is not normally concerned with the fluent reader who bypasses the auditory route in favour of visual word recognition. Similarly, when he talks about the 'writer', he is not concerned with the writer of fluid prose, but instead with the very act of spelling a word.
Carney also has a lengthy chapter dedicated to homographs and homophones, a chapter on names, and a chapter that looks at the standardization process and the more recent efforts at spelling reform. All of these chapters contribute to the books immensity and usefulness. Indeed, his book is really two studies: one large study of lexical items Ch. The proper nouns are extracted from the Longman Pronouncing Dictionary 1 st ed.
The lexical items, a colossal 26, uninflected forms, are systematically extracted from five diverse corpora of over 25 million words Carney Like Venezky, and indeed Hanna et al. Carney is a little more concerned than Venezky with the nature of the words included, whether they be base forms, borrowed words, compound words, derived or inflected forms. Carney's corpus is ultimately defined by exclusion and he weeds out many kinds of spellings that exist on the fringes of the system.
These are worth looking at because they provide some justification for the categories studied in the latter parts of the present study. He lists eight different kinds of spellings omitted from his database, and provides examples Carney 32 7. Homographs invalid,insult,bass,row,etc. Hyphenated compounds eye-lash, beer-barrel, etc.
The very act of omitting spellings due to certain criteria suggests that there are different kinds of spelling patterns for different kinds of words, an assumption that will be central to this thesis. Each of these groups reveals details about the nature of English spelling that cannot easily be observed when the focus is on core spelling patterns. Many of these groups will be discussed in Chapters 7 and 8.
In this chapter, however, the focus will be on what researchers have actually found, based on the spellings they actually did study. Cummings's work examines sound-to-spelling correspondences of American English spelling. His approach is 'humanistic' and a rejection of algorithmic, formal linguistics ibid: xxvi. Instead of analysing spelling numerically, he seeks to explore how four conflicting 'demands' on English spellings -phonetic, semantic, etymological and systemic -function 'complementarily'.
These 'demands' are very similar to the 'principles' discussed in this study, and their respective merits will be discussed in Chapter 3. Cummings' work has been mostly overlooked since its publication but it contains some very important ideas that will be built upon in the present description. Rollings also looks at mappings from sound to spelling and his study maps out the relations between RP and British English spelling.
Neither Rollings nor Cummings uses a corpus. Rather, they use a combination of observation mixed with information taken from dictionaries -which are themselves ready-made databases. It is very important to recognise that this has been a valid and productive approach to English spelling. Describing his own methods, Rollings writes: Data were collected from a wide variety of sources as the research proceeded. As observations led to generalisations, further examples and counter-examples were looked for in order to test and, where applicable, support their validity.
Although one of the aims was to distinguish regular from irregular spellings, statistics are not the raison d'etre of the study. The purpose is to discover and discuss orthographic patterns, rather than to achieve statistical precision. Rollings 3 Rollings tries to describe English spelling within the generative tradition of linguistics -which is as opposed to Cummings as it is possible to be -and he provides several kinds of rules for the spelling of each phoneme. The basic rules are simple e.
Clearly, it is simpler to recognise that this spelling pattern is almost entirely confined to words derived from Greek. The difficulty of accounting for the writing system's historical nature is a recurring problem in synchronically-motivated studies, as we shall see in the next section. The work most relevant to this study comes from and various papers by Kristian Berg often in collaboration. This will be discussed at length in Chapter 5. Two basic assumptions of the graphematic approach are that: a it is possible and preferable to study writing systems on their own merits with little or no reference to phonology; and b synchronic study of writing systems should not take etymological information into account.
Graphematic approaches have led to some very interesting insights about the English writing system, as we shall see throughout this study, but the assumptions lead to problems. In Chapter 4, we shall see the difficulties faced if phonology is removed from the account of English spelling. In Chapter 8, we shall see a solution to the problem of etymological spelling, one which can be partially reconciled with graphematic approaches. However, it is worth looking briefly at the relative importance of synchronic and diachronic approaches to writing systems.
The following quote is illustrative:[O]ur investigation is a synchronic one. Both synchronic and diachronic data are potentially relevant for the exploration of writing systems and their relation to other linguistic systems. It is, however, important to keep them analytically distinct. A description of the actual state of the system under investigation should rest solely on synchronic data.
Diachronic data, on the other hand, may explain how the given system came to be the way it is. From the perspective of today's readers and writers, however, this is of secondary nature. The two things are very different and the facts examined by the researcher do not have to coincide with the experiences of everyday users.
After all, one does not expect a physicist to describe the nature of gravity solely according to human experience of it. We must therefore separate our description of how the system functions from how users cope with its intricacies or not , even though it would be ideal to be able to integrate both issues into the one model. Surely anyone interested in the system itself must pay attention to one of its central organising principles, that English spellings are frequently borrowed from other languages, with or without adaptation, regardless of complications caused by introducing new spelling-tosound correspondences.
If users fail to recognise that, and teachers fail to teach it, then that does not mean the information is not present in the spelling. Hence researchers cannot simply disregard it. In Section 2c. Bauer Section 8a provides a solution to the problem of integrating etymological spelling.
With all of this background in mind, we can now explore the major research themes and findings of the past fifty years, and look to see which problems remain unanswered. Major research themes and findingsThis section examines the last fifty years of research on English spelling, which has been based on modern linguistic theory.
The aim of this section is to identify the most important problems or gaps, and to pose some questions for analysis in the remainder of the thesis. To a large extent it tries to offer the reader a constant spelling for a morpheme, in spite of the varying pronunciation of the morpheme in different contexts.
Carney 18 The spelling of compounds and derived forms tends to be morphemic; the established graphemic form of the base is retained as much as possible, regardless of the phonemic alternations involved. Venezky emphasis added in both cases The most important discovery about English spelling, since the development of linguistics as a science, is that the writing system is largely consistent in its spelling of the morpheme. In this section, we will look at the diverse ways in which morphemic information is expressed within the writing system, first by looking how linguists have slowly gained a greater awareness of this fact and then by looking at some of the problems in their analyses.
The idea that the English writing system represents meaning, rather than just sound, was given full, detailed, expression in the work of Venezky Venezky , Venezky , but the idea cropped up at various points in the decades preceding his work. Bradley argues that the purpose of writing is to represent meaning, and that the use of sound-based symbols is just a vehicle for doing that.
Taking many examples of homophonous pairs, he writes that:It is because the expression of meaning is felt to be the real purpose of written language that these distinctions [e. Bradley 7 Bradley argues that a spelling is not just a phonetic representation of the sound of a word but that a spelling functions as an ideograph of sorts, a unit which provides direct access to meaning for the experienced reader. In other words, a spelling is a CPU.
Vachek 15 notes the similarity of spelling in the words equal and equality, despite the different qualities of the vowel in the second syllable in each word, and he also notes similar phenomena in the Czech and Russian writing systems. Morphophonemic spelling is only possible because the morphophonological alternations are often systematic, so a sequence electric -electricity -electrician shows similar alternation patterns to elastic -elasticity and logic -logician.
Hence the writing system rewards readers and writers with a greater knowledge of a the language as a whole and, b the internal workings of the writing system. Their reasoning is that an optimal system ought to have one orthographic representation i.
The near-synonymy between 'lexical' and 'morphemic' reflects the debate among typologists between 'logogaphic' and 'morphographic' writing see Section 2a. According to this theory, the lexical spelling of a word should ideally represent an abstract underlying form which Chomsky and Halle claim native speakers have internalised along with its morphophonological alternations.
This means that phonetic or surface forms do not need to be indicated by the spelling whenever they are predictable. The related pair revise -revision will demonstrate everything of relevance. Such processes are 'automatic and predictable' for the native speaker so they don't need to be marked in the spelling C. Chomsky By contrast, an unpredictable alternation such as run -ran has to be spelt out explicitly.
Chomsky provides many examples of both consonant and vowel alternations see Tables 2. Alternations also occur on stressed vowels, and this can interact with other phonological processes. For example, vowels are often shortened when followed by a bi-syllabic suffix, as in profane -profanity. Chomsky Spelling 2c. Sampson points to alternations such as speak -speech, palace -palatial, joke -jocular, collide -collision and he notes that prodigal and prodigious, cited by C.
Chomsky are not even related etymologically or semantically. Sproat 35 says that 'statistics provide at best weak support for [Chomsky and Halle's] hypothesis' see also Sproat The lexical spelling hypothesis is far from a complete model of English spelling but it is also not totally wrong. It provides a useful first approximation towards the workings of the writing system, reminding us that English spelling helps us to make visual connections between words with related meanings, even when their pronunciations show great surface variation.
The fact that such variation is often systematic and predictable furthers the case for lexical, or morphemic, spelling. This rule alone mops up a huge number of the apparent inconsistencies of the system. A similar rule applies to long, or geminate consonant sounds, which can occur at morpheme boundaries. Carney 40 calls these inert letters, because they have no phonological correspondence in some allomorphs bomb, autumn, sign but do in others bombard, autumnal, signal.
Importantly, the patterns in derived forms often differ from the patterns in inflected forms. The inert letter remains unpronounced in bombed and bombing as well as in signed and signing. This suggests that a description of English spelling must take word formation patterns into account.
Consistency in the spelling morphemes also extends to affixes. This suggests that the idea of morphemic spelling may be working in conjunction with other forces. The past-tense morpheme is a case in point. Carney 19 points out that the suffix triggers several different spelling patterns, depending on the phonological and orthographic environments.
Hence, compromises have to be found between the need to represent the morphemes as consistently as possible and the need to represent the phonological forms in a way that readers can easily decode. This is recognised in all the literature but the interaction between morphemic and phonemic spelling is not sufficiently theorised. The failure to do so is most clear in the following example.
Therefore, the principle of morphemic spelling does not always operate in isolation and, under certain conditions, spellings seem to involve interaction between the twin needs of representing morphemic and phonological information. Partial answers to these questions have been provided by some recent literature. Berg et al. Hence compromises tend to occur in the spelling of the base, rather than in the affix a situation that differs from German, they note.
However, this observation only answers half of the problem. Let's look briefly at what would happen if such spellings did exist, and English spellings fully obeyed the morphemic principle. The phonological form is known notwithstanding dialectal variation because English words are formed within speech. However, there does not yet exist a method for checking whether a spelling that adheres to the morphemic principle results in a well-formed English spelling, and providing such a method will be one of the central aims of this thesis.
In this section we shall look at how previous researchers have discussed regularities of correspondence that exist at the phonemic level and, where relevant, other subsyllabic units. Undoubtedly the best analysis of the correspondences between spelling and sound comes from Carney who attempts to apply the 'usual grounds of linguistic analysis' to English spelling, namely 'simplicity, consistency, exhaustiveness and explicitness' Carney The theoretical section p.
And yet it can be easy to forget how little linguistically informed research there was until then, something that can be seen by glancing at the very short bibliography in Scholfield's review of the then-relevant literature.
He makes the important observation that linguists up until that point had failed to provide the statistical data required for theorists to provide a more probabilistic model of spelling correspondences Scholfield Carney's study provides the first effort at filling that gap. Carney's explanation of his methods of segmentation Carney provides a solid platform for the exhaustive description of his very large wordlist the abovementioned 26, uninflected forms.
His analysis is applied to all RP phonemes and 'all' spelling units meaning the units that satisfy his criteria. His primary task is to segment English spellings into units that map in both directions, from spelling to sound and back again. Doing this involves recognising many recurring concepts. The first of these is divergence from the phonemic principle Haas , which operates in both directions.
Carney provides statistics on the text frequency and lexical frequency of correspondences. There is no metric provided for how predictable each correspondence is. It is not always obvious as to what counts as a unit of spelling and Carney's choices are based on several overlapping criteria.
The 'simplicity criterion' states that there should be as few different correspondences as possible. This allows for greater economy of description. Empty letters have zero phonological correspondence and thus they form another subcategory of silent letter, different from the inert letters we saw in Section 2. Empty letters must meet strict criteria Carney 45 and they may still retain some function. Another group of silent letters are auxiliary letters, 'extra letters which help to make up complex graphic units' Carney Once again, position within the syllable is important here.
Such a slew of categories may seem overwhelming at first but it does, ultimately, provide for a more economical and largely practical set of mappings from spelling to sound and back, albeit only at the segmental level. Carney continues by stating that segmentation should also be discrete and exhaustive, so it has to be without remainder or overlaps, and it cannot cross morpheme boundaries.
This is a reminder that it is possible to blend morphemelevel and phoneme-level analyses within the one model, and one must recognise morpheme boundaries before applying phoneme-level correspondence rules. One might expect pint to be on this list but their study is confined to 'first grade text vocabulary' or 'child vocabulary' ibid: Kressler and Treiman's argument suggests that the analysis of spelling-to-sound correspondences is not just confined to relative position within a word but can correlate strongly with the position within the phonological syllable.
Harris argues for a similar analysis of the French word oiseau, whose spelling, according to Saussure Problems arise for Carney's otherwise consistent analysis when it comes to describing levels of representation above the phoneme Carney Such overlaps break Carney's principle of discreteness.
However, the occurrence of such consonant palatalization is dependent on this very phonetic environment, as can be seen in the words virtue, structure, virtual, voluptuous, perpetuate, question, suggestion, etc. Hence the spelling-to-sound relations can only be explained satisfactorily with reference to higher phonological levels, such as the syllable, the foot and word stress.
Carney's attempt to provide mappings between phonemes and letters thus results in a detailed but slightly incomplete description of English spelling. In order to improve the thoroughness of the description, it is necessary to take into account higher levels of correspondence than just the phoneme. This research will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5, where there is space to present the theories of supra-segmental phonology upon which their analyses are based.
Finally, it should be noted that Brooks presents the spelling variants for each phoneme of what he calls 'British English' and, while his data is presented in a slightly more digestible manner than Carney's, there are no great theoretical developments in his work. He disregards the syllable as a unit of spelling Brooks and only occasionally mentions the morpheme as being an important level of organisation in English spelling.
Nevertheless, it is a useful reference work and it is part of the growing trend towards providing numerical accounts of the occurrence of each spelling unit. These words have affected all parts of the language, but the writing system has been particularly affected because the borrowed spellings frequently introduce new correspondences for words that have been adapted into English phonotactics.
Upward and Davidson provide the most detailed account of the contribution of different languages to the English writing system. Nevertheless, synchronic analyses of English spelling have struggled to account for this mass influx of borrowed spellings, which is not surprising, given that synchronic and diachronic are widely understood to be mutually exclusive categories of analysis in linguistics.
For example , Venezky simply lists examples of seemingly irregular correspondences. Clearly, Venezky was aware of the words' origins but his descriptive concern was simply with letter sequencing. But the rest are irregular, within the limitation of his theory, despite the obvious subgroupings. This is why contestants in Spelling Bee competitions are allowed to ask for a word's origin. Albrow provides the first scholarly effort to defragment the entire writing system into sets of subsystems.
His work is not 'maximally rigorous', by his own admission ibid: 3 but he hopes to be the first word on the matter and not the last. He proposes three subsystems of spelling correspondences that map from spelling units to phonemes and labels them neutrally as 1, 2 and 3.
The idea is borrowed directly from the Firthian idea of polysystemic analysis whereby all levels of language have their own subsystems ibid: 9. For example, English phonology has subsystems of consonants and vowels, the vowels in turn have systems of short-and long-vowels. The motivation behind Albrow's taxonomy is not explained rigorously and he has no set criteria for inclusion in a particular subsystem.
Etymology is important but not dominant. Frequency is probably a factor but it is not measured. No mention is made of the predictability of a correspondence, in either direction. Despite such problems, Albrow's work had an important influence on Carney and, by extension, the present work. Not only do English morphemes keep their spelling constant, their correspondences are all part of the one subsystem. These spellings represent bound morphemes which only appear in combination Plag It is only by preserving the CPU that the correspondences can maintain their relations.
Writers have to make use of several kinds of knowledge in order to spell. They need phonological and lexical knowledge but subsystem awareness is a huge advantage. Knowledge of French, Latin and Greek is very helpful and the abandonment of the study of these languages undoubtedly has a major effect on people's ability to spell.
However, Carney does not enumerate exactly which spelling units fit into which subsystem; instead he uses the labels as reference points when discussing particular spelling units in his core analysis i. Implicit in Carney's argument is that there is great overlap in the spelling of the various input languages so the subsystems may actually overlap more than they differ. Furthermore, apparent etymology can supersede actual etymology: Carney loc.
Another implication of Carney's argument is that some spellings are liable to be categorised in either of two subsystems, giving rise to some variable, and thus 'incorrect', pronunciation. This is likely to happen when it is not fully clear which subsystem a spelling belongs to.
If this were true my examples are anecdotal , then this suggests that readers can re-analyse spellings according to the correspondence patterns of different subsystems and thence construct a new pronunciation. This would be particularly likely to happen when people are unfamiliar with a word's etymology. This idea will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5, when we look at spelling pronunciation, because if we can understand how readers can re-analyse words, then this will provide a huge amount of insight into how they analyse them in the first place.
Finally, borrowings from certain languages may be more compatible with English than others, and it would be instructive to find how Anglicised borrowings have interfaced with the ever-changing writing system over the history of the language. German and Spanish words might be adopted without change nowadays but Gaelic spellings are not so easily absorbed into the system, at least not outside Ireland and Scotland.
The concept of spellings being 'exotic' is consistent with Carney's use of RP as his reference accent although he calls it 'Southern British Standard', or SBS , but these Gaelic and Welsh correspondences are perfectly manageable for people with the appropriate linguistic background. This suggests that knowledge of peripheral spelling patterns may differ greatly among users of English worldwide, regardless of the depth of their core knowledge.
Such spellings are explored in detail by Upward and Davison Ch. Upward and Davison provide a book-length examination of the etymological inputs into English spelling and their focus is on correspondences rather than words or morphemes. This is a very valuable reference book but it provides very little theoretical development, which is to say that the subsystems are presented as a disconnected set of sub-regularities, rather than as different manifestations of some deeper principle of spelling.
Their work does not provide a thorough investigation of which words and combining forms fit into which subsystem. A fuller study of English subsystems would need to combine Upward and Davidson's detailed analysis of individual correspondences with Carney's observation that the subsystems operate across entire words and morphemes.
To summarise, it is well-established that English spellings contain a lot of etymological information and some of the more recent studies of the writing system have begun to include that information in their descriptions. However, there remains the problem of how to fully integrate these facts into the theory of English spelling. A simple solution to this problem will be posed in Section 8a, where it will be argued that etymological spelling and morphemic spelling are deeply connected and can be explained as being manifestations of the same principle of spelling formation.
One outstanding issue is how those elements are combined in the writing system. The English writing system has a range of patterns for disambiguating potential confusions between spelling and sound. One example is the use of double consonant letters, which are used to mark vowels as short hence, gammon versus Damon.
No theoretical consensus has yet been reached about their status of such patterns within the system. Venezky divides English spelling units into two categories: relational units and markers. Markers are letters used 'to indicate the function of correspondences of other graphemes and to preserve graphotactical or morphological patterns' Venezky By 'graphotactical patterns', he means 'patterns which relate spelling to sound' Venezky 75 , and this essentially means all spelling-tosound correspondences.
Venezky groups markers according to their function. Carney argues that Venezky's concept of markers does not stand up when it is applied across the entire writing system. This is because Carney's theory requires mappings to go in both directions, whereas Venezky can have rules and sub-rules for the process of decoding spellings, without worrying about whether they work in the opposite direction.
Carney's description thus requires one-to-one mappings from spelling to sound so that they can be reversed without ambiguity. Venezky's description, by contrast, can have many-to-one mappings because his description does not have to be reversed. Carney does not entirely abolish the use of the term marker. Rollings uses the term marker for an even wider range of spelling devices, effectively everything that deviates from the principle of one letter to one phoneme.
Hence he includes double-consonant letters and its absence hopped v. Another elusive term is graphotactics, and the related forms graphotactic rules and graphotactic constraints. In a short paper, Stubbs distinguishes between correspondence rules letter to sound mappings , adaptation rules e. Carney argues that most of Stubbs's adaptation and graphotactic rules can be re-cast as correspondence rules, and any outstanding rules are included within Carney's category of graphotactic constraints.
Most of them are defined negatively, describing letter sequences which cannot occur. The concept of a graphotactic constraint, argues Carney 67 , is somewhat dependent on the concept of graphotactics, which in turn is a concept derived from phonotactics. If we consider phonotactics to be the rules governing the possible sequences of phonemes in a language Giegerich ; c.
Section 5b , then graphotactics would be concerned with the possible sequences of graphemes in a language. Unfortunately, the term 'grapheme' has two incompatible uses in the literature. Hence allographs are different graphetic forms of a particular letter, such as 't', 't', 't', and 'T', etc. Carney notes that the concept of a graphotactic constraint is thus dependent upon whether we are talking about permissible sequences of letters, or permissible sequences of spelling units used to represent phonemes.
Venezky 75 uses the term graphotactics as one of the two most fundamental elements in orthography. To him, there are graphemes, or 'classes of letters', and there is graphotactics, the 'patterns which relate spelling to sound'. The term is basically synonymous with his subject matter and his book could equally be called The structure of English graphotactics.
Yet he scarcely uses the term again. For Rollings, 'the borderline between graphotactic constraints and markers might be considered hazy' Rollings One thing that unites all of the various definitions of marking devices and graphotactic constraints is that they are seen as a descriptive residue, since they describe what remains after the normal correspondences have been enumerated.
This viewpoint is ultimately a result of having a description based on synchronic principles. If we try to take a snapshot of the writing system at a particular time in its history, as Venezky and Carney have done i. A purely synchronic view makes it impossible to tell exactly which patterns are productive and which are vestigial, or non-productive.
It is only by examining the formation of new spellings, and the spelling of polymorphemic words, that we can see which patterns are functional and productive and which are not. Their function is to solve problems of intelligibility between the application of morphemic spelling and the need to make spellings readable. It is not fully clear how important the phonological form of a word is in the formation of spellings.
In some cases e. Yet it is not exactly clear what conditions underlie these interactions. One hypothesis is that the spelling of affixes is more stable than the spelling of stems Berg et al. We thus need a model of English spelling formation which can explain not just the spellings in use, but also why certain spellings are not permissible.
The model will need to explain the relationships between spelling, morphology and phonology, the nature of spelling formation itself, and how conflicts are resolved between the need to represent both sound and meaning. And finally, we will need to include the writing system's wide-ranging use of 'marking devices' and 'graphotactic constraints'.
To conclude, it is worth repeating the research questions that will inform the remainder of this thesis. In this chapter, a hypothetical model of English spelling formation will be developed for examining how polymorphemic English words are spelt. This approach is rather different to previous studies of English spelling and thus we must first look at a number of important issues.
Sections 3a looks at the problem of delimiting the object of focus. Previous studies have examined the core lexicon en masse, whereas the focus in this study will be on certain revealing subgroups of words. This method is taken directly from word-formation studies where new words are the object of study, and predicting their formation patterns relies on understanding patterns among existing words. For example, if we know that sisterhood and brotherhood are existing words, then we might wonder whether unclehood and cousinhood are permissible words, should there be a context for their use.
Section 3b shows how word-formation theory can be applied to spellingformation theory. In particular, we shall see that it is beneficial to employ a mix of synchronic and diachronic approaches to the topic, a new approach that follows Marchand's effort to do the same for word-formation theory. We shall see that English words have been subcategorised by morphologists according to ways in which they were formed e.
Section 3c looks at how data was collected for analysis. The latter parts of the chapter are rather different. Section 3d takes a look at one other attempt to explain how English spellings are formed, including Berg and Aronoff's historical study of how certain affixes have come to be spelt. Like Cummings , they argue that the English writing system is self- re organizing. That is to say, spelling patterns change over time due to variation in usage.
In later chapters, this historical, numerical approach will be used as supplement to the theory developed here. The goal of Section 3e is to enumerate and explain five principles of spelling formation. These principles vary in their nature and they relate, in several ways, to DeFrancis's universals of writing systems and Cummings' 'demands' on spelling.
The chapter concludes by hypothesising that English spelling formation can be explained by following a simple algorithm, one which will be developed in later chapters. Scope and focus of the studyExhaustiveness is one of the fundamental desiderata of linguistic theory and Carney 32 notes the long-standing failure to apply such standards to spelling research. A description of a linguistic system, such as a writing system, ought to be an attempt, therefore, to describe the spelling of all existing words.
We might also imagine that a more developed theory would predict future developments. And yet it remains necessary -and practical -to delimit the object of study, to be exhaustive in one particular approach. Venezky and Carney choose to study the entire core of English spelling, by examining approximately 20, and 26, spellings respectively , while excluding several kinds of spelling, notably inflections, certain abbreviations, onomatopoeia, etc. Section 2b.
By contrast, Rollings and Cummings use phonemic theory as a structuring model, investigating all the spelling units used for all the phonemes of one English accent RP and GA, respectively. In all four studies, however, the central aim is to examine the correspondence patterns between spelling and sound, in one or both directions. These approaches can tell us a lot about the core spelling patterns in the writing system, but they cannot explain peripheral spelling patterns, nor how the core and the periphery relate to one another.
By defining a core stock of standard spellings, there arises an analytical segregation between standard and nonstandard spellings, making the latter seem aberrant, rather than subject to different formation principles. Furthermore, it may be a lot harder to define what counts as an English spelling, and what counts as a foreign word Upward and Davidson Each variety of English tends to borrow words from the local languages with which it has contact.
Hence, spellings and correspondences that may seem relatively normal in one variety will seem most foreign elsewhere. Even neighbours such as Irish and Welsh English will have radically different vocabulary -and spelling patterns -borrowed from their respective indigenous languages. The need for exhaustiveness will be met in a new way in this study.
It will be assumed that it is useful to study all the different kinds of spellings and hence the different ways that spellings can be formed. There will be two contrasting strands to this investigation. One is to partition the lexicon according to the manner in which words were formed. For example, it will be assumed that the spelling of compound words and affixed derivatives are formed somewhat differently from one another, while inflections will be different again, and so on for various types of word formation.
This assumption follows on from Venezky's conclusion that the spelling of base forms is rather different to the spelling of compound and derived forms, with the former being broadly phonemic and the latter being broadly morphemic. In the next section we shall draw upon theories of English word-formation in order to partition the lexicon according to how words were formed.
No attempt will be made to enumerate the incidence of any one group e. Instead, the goal will be to see what patterns underlie their respective formation patterns. The other strand of investigation will be to look at the spelling of everything that doesn't fall inside the core lexicon. This includes names, nonstandard spelling, certain foreign borrowings, and so on.
These categories will be discussed in Chapters 7 and 8, in light of the findings of earlier chapters For reasons that will become clear in the next section, much of the focus will be on the spelling of English inflections Ch. It will not be possible to study all kinds of words in as much detail, but an effort will be made to show that each group is worthy of study in its own right, and different spelling patterns may apply to different kinds of words. A synchronic-diachronic approach to English spelling formation In his brief history of the study of English word formation, Bauer writes:The distinction between synchrony and diachrony drawn by Saussure, which has had a profound effect on linguistic studies since , effectively precluded the study of word-formation, where synchrony and diachrony are most fruitfully considered together.
Bauer 3 It is poignant that Marchand's landmark study, The categories and types of present-day English word formation , revised , had the subtitle: a synchronic-diachronic approach. In word formation, synchrony and diachrony are deeply intertwined. The reason is this: after a new word is coined it may stay within the speech community; it then enters people's mental lexicons and sometimes even dictionaries, thus giving it legitimacy in people's minds.
Words are created by synchronic rules, but also capable of diachronic survival. Sentences, on the other hand, are uttered, perceived and then forgotten. Hence, syntax is suited to synchronic study, but word-formation requires a blend of synchrony and diachrony. New spellings are also formed by applying synchronic rules of spelling formation and, if they survive, they are recorded in dictionaries, where they gain a more permanent status and legitimacy.
The English writing system can therefore be viewed as an accumulative system, whereby spellings are formed and the accepted ones are 'added to the pile', one by one, over a long period of time. Each new spelling thus contributes minutely to the overall system. Moreover, the writing system can change in several ways, even when the spelling stays the same. One change, pointed out by Scholfield , is that the correspondences between invariant spellings and changing phonologies become more complicated over time the subject matter of Chapter 6.
Another kind of change is that the amount of variation in the spelling of any given word or morpheme seems to diminish over time see Berg and Aronoff A new word may have multiple competing spelling variants but older words tend to stabilise in their spelling. Finally, as new words get added to the language, new spellings get added to the writing system, one by one, with each new word potentially adding to the tangle of correspondences, especially if the new spelling has been borrowed from another writing system e.
Italian, French, Latin, etc. In previous studies, the writing system has usually been studied a synchronic mass which does not take into account the fact that different formation rules may have applied at different periods in the history of the language and this is why the present-day system contains so many vestigial patterns.
It is therefore problematic to apply the exact same analysis to an ancient spelling as a modern one, despite the fact that learners of the system have to acquire the information en masse which is why the issue of diachrony is avoided by so many linguists studying writing systems. All we can really do is ask how new words are spelt nowadays and how complex words have been spelt in recent times. It is not even necessary to put a date on this e.
The spelling of simple, monomorphemic words or base forms cannot be accounted for by this approach, as we shall see in the next section. The spellings of these words have been handed down to us, often with great irregularity, and they cannot be changed.
However, new words do not have to perpetuate these trends nor do polymorphemic words which can be subtly altered to keep them in line with the spelling of related words. Word-formation theorists may also be interested in the productivity of an affix. Given the existence of the words nation and nationality or ration and rationality, we may ask whether the word passion has a corresponding form?
Some affixes are productive while others are not. The first of these is a dead pattern, occurring only in ancient forms such as long -length, grow -growth, slow -sloth, moon -month OED The fact that the spelling of the base is not preserved in the all of the complex forms is an indicator that such spellings derive from a time when this was not such a priority in the writing system. The focus in word-formation studies is not just on which words happen to exist but which words are possible, and this can only be done by: a looking at new formations and, b extrapolating from existing patterns in the lexicon i.
This approach is hugely at odds with studies of English spelling which focus solely on the relations between spelling and sound in a closed set of words e. Instead, it will be assumed here that English spelling is an open set, just like the lexicon, and that new words require new spellings. This makes it possible to focus on subcategories of the lexicon which demonstrate revealing spelling patterns.
The focus will often be on such extreme cases which test the boundaries of the writing system and yet demonstrate what information tends to be prioritised in the resulting spelling. There is seldom any need to pay attention to the number of words in a particular subgroup e. Instead, the aim will be to look at how conflicts are resolved between opposing linguistic forces e.
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